發(fā)布時(shí)間：2018-06-01 17:11

  本文選題：名分論 + 原則主義　； 參考：《山東大學(xué)》2008年博士論文

【摘要】： 明清鼎革一直是我國(guó)歷史研究中的重要課題,在中韓關(guān)系史研究中亦占據(jù)著特殊地位。本文以朝鮮仁祖時(shí)代(1623-1649)為中心,按照朝鮮對(duì)后金交涉史發(fā)展的脈絡(luò),以丁卯之役、丙子之役作為朝鮮與后金關(guān)系發(fā)展不同階段的分割點(diǎn),具體考察仁祖時(shí)代朝鮮王朝對(duì)后金外交的階段性特點(diǎn)。在考察之余,我們還將探討下列問題:(1)通過對(duì)仁祖時(shí)代與光海君時(shí)代朝鮮對(duì)后金交涉的路線、策略進(jìn)行歷史性的對(duì)比分析,探討兩者對(duì)后金交涉中的相似點(diǎn)和不同點(diǎn),進(jìn)而理清仁祖在位二十六年間朝鮮對(duì)后金態(tài)度的變化和對(duì)后金政策的走向;(2)就朝鮮內(nèi)部黨爭(zhēng)對(duì)于仁祖政權(quán)對(duì)后金交涉決策中的影響和作用進(jìn)行初步探討,揭示隱藏在其決策過程背后的朝鮮內(nèi)政結(jié)構(gòu),并結(jié)合影響朝鮮對(duì)外決策的主觀性因素,對(duì)朝鮮在丁卯之役和丙子之役中屢屢失利、雙方之間談判進(jìn)程緩慢且曲折的原因,提供新的解釋:(3)對(duì)仁祖本人在與后金交涉中體現(xiàn)出的政治性格進(jìn)行具體分析,從而對(duì)朝鮮的外交理念、外交特征、乃至朝鮮的民族性問題,進(jìn)行初步的分析和探討。 本文共分為六個(gè)部分。第一章導(dǎo)論闡述了選題的緣由及其學(xué)術(shù)價(jià)值,然后通過對(duì)相關(guān)領(lǐng)域?qū)W術(shù)史的回顧和對(duì)相關(guān)史料較全面的整理與綜述,確定了本文的框架結(jié)構(gòu)、研究思路和研究方法。中國(guó)的相關(guān)史料研究主要體現(xiàn)了從民族史及宏觀角度研究歷史的長(zhǎng)處,而缺少了歷史角色的換位思考和互動(dòng)研究。韓國(guó)學(xué)者則由于受史料觀點(diǎn)的影響,在研究中高揚(yáng)了朝鮮時(shí)代外交的道德理想型特點(diǎn),缺乏客觀性分析。此外,以往研究側(cè)重將朝鮮作為華夷秩序中的一個(gè)被動(dòng)角色來看待,突顯了外部因素對(duì)朝鮮的影響,從而使得朝鮮作為外交政策實(shí)施者的個(gè)性特點(diǎn)不夠鮮明。因此,本文結(jié)合朝鮮王朝的政治、文化背景,對(duì)仁祖統(tǒng)治集團(tuán)對(duì)后金交涉的特點(diǎn)、影響因素及外交理念進(jìn)行分析和總結(jié)。 第二章是仁祖時(shí)代朝鮮與后金交涉史的背景。光海君在助明伐金的過程中騎墻兩端,與朝鮮“尊周”、“事大”的主流意識(shí)背道而馳。仁祖李P'的上臺(tái)則恰恰受益于傳統(tǒng)勢(shì)力對(duì)光海君猛烈批判的政治氛圍。仁祖打出親明旗號(hào),以顛覆式的姿態(tài),欲全面否定光海君,重新回到以名分為本的“原則主義”外交路線上來。仁祖時(shí)代對(duì)光海君外交政策的批判,事實(shí)上是為了服從于其反正斗爭(zhēng)的政治需要及輿論需要。因此,他們帶著個(gè)人情緒和政治偏見來評(píng)價(jià)光海君外交,就很難做到公允。為了借明朝之力解決北疆危機(jī),仁祖積極倡導(dǎo)“協(xié)力討虜”。但是,統(tǒng)治集團(tuán)利益的調(diào)整、客觀國(guó)情的衰頹,使得國(guó)家狀況沒有重大起色。仁祖在高舉“原則主義”的同時(shí)、最終落入光海君“現(xiàn)實(shí)主義”的窠臼。只不過,這要比光海君時(shí)代更隱蔽。名分與利益之間的利弊權(quán)衡,使得仁祖集團(tuán)在對(duì)外決策中往往優(yōu)柔寡斷。對(duì)于名分的顧慮,是仁祖時(shí)代朝廷各派對(duì)外決策爭(zhēng)執(zhí)的焦點(diǎn)和出發(fā)點(diǎn)。 第三章探討丁卯之役的發(fā)生及朝鮮對(duì)后金的交涉。從丁卯之役的爆發(fā)到平壤盟誓的訂立,朝鮮對(duì)后金的交涉經(jīng)歷了從頑強(qiáng)拒斥到妥協(xié)讓步的過程,從而在根本上證明了朝鮮對(duì)光海君時(shí)代“現(xiàn)實(shí)主義”路線的回歸。在強(qiáng)敵面前,意志薄弱的仁祖集團(tuán)避戰(zhàn)自保,拋棄了對(duì)國(guó)家的責(zé)任,倉皇避入江都。這與其標(biāo)榜的“義理”截然相悖。名分論給朝鮮對(duì)后金決策帶來了困惑,并且成為朝鮮迅速潰敗的思想根源。有關(guān)“緩禍”與“斥和”的爭(zhēng)辯,即朝鮮對(duì)后金交涉路線的論爭(zhēng),亦由丁卯之役而起。江都盟誓雖然有對(duì)朝鮮利益侵蝕的一面,但更主要體現(xiàn)了朝鮮與后金之間互相制約、互相防范的對(duì)等意識(shí),這對(duì)戰(zhàn)后的朝鮮是相對(duì)有利的。由于朝鮮拒絕承認(rèn)平壤盟誓的真實(shí)性,江都盟誓從而成為朝鮮在丁卯之役后賴以維權(quán)的依據(jù)。圍繞著國(guó)家安全、國(guó)家利益、國(guó)家尊嚴(yán)及榮譽(yù)等根本問題,朝鮮在催促后金撤兵、索要本國(guó)人口、抵制邊境開市等問題上,進(jìn)行了頑強(qiáng)抗?fàn)?展示了其外交性格剛烈而柔韌、靈活又不失原則的特點(diǎn)。在此過程中,朝鮮對(duì)待明朝與后金態(tài)度之懸殊,給后金造成心理上的巨大落差,這反而加深了后金對(duì)明朝和朝鮮的仇恨,并將朝鮮與后金的關(guān)系引向新的對(duì)抗和沖突。 第四章以丙子之役作為分水嶺,具體論述了朝鮮對(duì)后金交涉地位的變化。丁卯講和之后,朝鮮的國(guó)情每況愈下,“緩禍論”不能拯救國(guó)家,“斥絕之聲”呼之欲出。雖然斥絕振奮民心,但使兩國(guó)關(guān)系破裂。雖然朝鮮要主動(dòng)來“破冰”,但皇太極東征決心已定,丙子之役不久爆發(fā)。在各道援軍皆被阻截的情況下,朝鮮君臣為重新和談而做了一些試探性努力,但卻避重就輕,導(dǎo)致談判一再拖延。最終,朝鮮君臣不得不以投降來結(jié)束南漢山城危機(jī)。與丁卯之役相比,朝鮮的交涉地位更加被動(dòng)。這表明了清朝的壯大,也預(yù)示了對(duì)傳統(tǒng)明鮮之間宗藩關(guān)系的顛覆之勢(shì)——雖然朝鮮人在思想上始終都不承認(rèn)。由于失去了外交的主動(dòng)權(quán),斥和論只能流于空洞的吶喊,甚至被扣以“斥和誤國(guó)”的罪名,這不能不說是朝鮮人的無奈和悲哀�！懊�分論”在國(guó)難之時(shí)考驗(yàn)了朝鮮人的民族意志,但也帶來了愈演愈烈的虛浮之風(fēng),加劇了政見分化,掣肘了朝鮮人對(duì)戰(zhàn)爭(zhēng)的決策和判斷。 第五章分析三田渡盟約后朝鮮對(duì)清朝的交涉情況。三田渡盟約沿襲了中國(guó)古代傳統(tǒng)宗藩關(guān)系的模式,從形式上規(guī)定了清朝與朝鮮之間的關(guān)系。但是,盟約訂立的特殊環(huán)境也使得清朝與朝鮮宗藩關(guān)系的發(fā)展顯示出許多非理性因素。尤其是以朝鮮世子等人被挾質(zhì)沈陽,成為清朝控制朝鮮的根本手段。這也是丙子之役后十幾年中影響仁祖對(duì)清決策的最重要因素。雖然朝鮮暗中發(fā)展了軍事力量、橫議呼聲亦不曾停息,但朝廷從丙子之役中汲取了教訓(xùn),對(duì)清交涉的銳氣大有收斂,態(tài)度變得更為現(xiàn)實(shí)。清朝對(duì)朝鮮的利益侵奪和安全威脅是朝鮮難以容忍的,而且清朝的做法褻瀆了朝鮮社會(huì)的禮法道德。朝鮮因此變得無比憤慨和絕望。這正是仁祖時(shí)代及以后朝鮮社會(huì)抗金、厭金情緒極度高漲的原因。從另一角度看,清朝屢屢向朝鮮示強(qiáng),也反映出其勝利背后的自卑意識(shí)。他們希望用勝利和實(shí)力去贏得國(guó)際新秩序下的統(tǒng)治權(quán)威,但這種努力卻始終不被朝鮮認(rèn)同。朝鮮王朝更加基于現(xiàn)實(shí)主義的外交,但是他們尊周、朝宗的信條卻始終沒有被拋開。因此,朝鮮的復(fù)仇情緒遲早要爆發(fā)出來。 第六章是全文的結(jié)論,通過史實(shí)的分析來提升對(duì)朝鮮王朝外交理念的認(rèn)識(shí)。首先,“原則主義”與“現(xiàn)實(shí)主義”在仁祖時(shí)代并存且始終處于矛盾狀態(tài)之中,一直是困擾朝鮮君臣的問題。尊周事大、名分至上,是朝鮮人對(duì)外交涉的“原則”。對(duì)明態(tài)度正是朝鮮與清人爭(zhēng)執(zhí)的焦點(diǎn)。朝鮮君臣在理念上“爭(zhēng)強(qiáng)、爭(zhēng)大”、不服于“蠻夷”的態(tài)度亦顯而易見。名分論暴露出朝鮮人外強(qiáng)中干的現(xiàn)狀。他們?nèi)狈�從敵我�?shí)力消長(zhǎng)中認(rèn)清形勢(shì)的平和心態(tài)。當(dāng)現(xiàn)實(shí)與原則想象不符時(shí),他們往往措手不及。其次,朝鮮人的決策往往源自他們理念中的主觀臆斷,他們的外交策略受感情因素影響較大,如在仁祖的外交策略中其本人的宗社情結(jié)、個(gè)人情感都表現(xiàn)得淋漓盡致。仁祖及其擁護(hù)者的國(guó)家觀是狹隘而自私的,所以他們才會(huì)拋開對(duì)國(guó)家的責(zé)任,避戰(zhàn)自保。歸結(jié)而論,仁祖及其擁護(hù)者們既追求名分與義理,又必須解惑于現(xiàn)實(shí)、保全自身安全。尤其在國(guó)難面前,他們更強(qiáng)調(diào)自己在對(duì)金(清)交涉中的主體意識(shí)、唯我的利益“本位主義”。雖然朝鮮君臣為名分論而困惑,但是他們對(duì)國(guó)家、宗社利益為本位的外交追求并不曾改變。一個(gè)已經(jīng)把國(guó)家利益微縮為宗社利益、把“大國(guó)家”縮小到“小宗社”的朝廷,很難用心挽救衰退中的國(guó)家。仁祖時(shí)代朝鮮國(guó)家尊嚴(yán)的隕落、社會(huì)統(tǒng)治秩序的塌陷,加深了朝鮮社會(huì)的不滿情緒。因此,孝宗時(shí)代,宋時(shí)烈等人才積極倡導(dǎo)對(duì)“王道論”、“名分論”再修補(bǔ)、再詮釋,以期重朔社會(huì)對(duì)國(guó)家和王權(quán)的信任感。
[Abstract]:The reform of the Ming and Qing Dynasties has been an important subject in the study of the history of China, and occupies a special position in the study of the history of relations between China and Korea. This article takes the Korean charity age (1623-1649) as the center, according to the development of the development of the history of the Korea gold negotiation, and the service of Ding Mao as the division point of the development of the relationship between the north and the south. During the inspection, we will also discuss the following issues: (1) through a historical comparison and analysis of the route and strategy of the North Korea's negotiation on the back gold in the era of Ren Zu and the emperor of Konghai, the similarities and differences between the two countries are discussed, and then the reign of Ren Zu is clarified. In the past twenty-six years, the Korean attitude towards the back gold and the trend towards the policy of post gold; (2) a preliminary discussion on the influence and role of the internal party dispute on the policy of negotiation on the negotiation of the post gold in the DPRK's internal party dispute, revealing the internal structure of the Korean internal affairs hidden behind its decision-making process, and combining the subjective factors affecting the policy of the DPRK to the DPRK. The cause of the slow and tortuous cause of the negotiation process between the two sides of Ding Mao's service and the service of the China has provided a new explanation: (3) a concrete analysis of the political character embodied in the negotiation of his ancestors with the emperor, so as to make a preliminary analysis and Discussion on the diplomatic concept, diplomatic characteristics and even the nationality of the DPRK.
This article is divided into six parts. The first chapter introduces the reason and the academic value of the topic. Then through the review of the academic history of the related fields and the comprehensive review of the relevant historical materials, the frame structure, research ideas and research methods of this article are determined. The point of view is to study the strengths of history, but lack of transposition thinking and interactive research of historical roles. The Korean scholars, influenced by historical materials, raised the moral ideal characteristics of Korean diplomacy in the study and lack of objectivity analysis in the study. In addition, the previous research focused on a passive role in the Chinese Yi order. It highlights the influence of external factors on the DPRK, thus making the personality characteristics of the DPRK as a foreign policy implementer are not distinct. Therefore, this paper, combining the political and cultural background of the Korean Dynasty, analyzes and summarizes the characteristics, influencing factors and diplomatic thoughts of the reign of the ruling group.
The second chapter is the background of the history of the negotiation between the Korean and the gold in the time of the benevolence. The attitude is to fully negate Kwan Hai Jun and return to the "principle" diplomatic route, which is based on the name. The criticism of the foreign policy of the king of the emperor in the time of the charity is in fact to obey the political and public opinion of his struggle. Therefore, it is difficult for them to evaluate the diplomacy of the monarch with personal feelings and political prejudices. In order to solve the northern Xinjiang crisis by the force of the Ming Dynasty, Ren Zu actively advocated "concerted efforts". However, the adjustment of the interests of the ruling group and the decline of the objective national conditions made the state of the country not significant. The age of the monarch is more concealed. The trade-off between the advantages and disadvantages between the name and the interests makes the group of Ren Zu often indecisive in foreign decision-making. The concern of the name is the focus and starting point of the decision of various schools in the imperial court of the time of the charity.
The third chapter discusses the occurrence of Ding Mao's service and the negotiation of Korean gold. From the outbreak of Ding Mao to the conclusion of Pyongyang's oath, North Korea has experienced a process from stubbornly rejecting to compromise and concession in the negotiation of the post gold, thus fundamentally proving the return of North Korea to the "realistic" route of the king of Konghai. The Ren Zu group avoided the war, abandoned the responsibility of the country and avoided the Jiangdu in a hurry. From the service of Ding Mao, the Jiangdu oath, although it has a side of erosion of the Korean interests, mainly embodies the reciprocal consciousness of mutual restraint and guard against each other, which is relatively favorable to the postwar Korea. Since the DPRK refused to recognize the authenticity of the oath of Pyongyang, the Jiangdu vows became the post DPRK after Ding Mao's service. On the basis of safeguarding rights, the DPRK, in the process of pressing for the fundamental issues of national security, national interests, national dignity and honor, carried out tenacious resistance in urging the withdrawal of the troops, asking for their own population and resisting the opening of the border, and showed the characteristics of its strong and flexible diplomatic character, flexibility and principle. In this process, DPRK treated the Ming Dynasty with the Ming Dynasty. The great disparity in the attitude of the later gold caused a great psychological gap in the post gold. Instead, it deepened the hatred of the Ming Dynasty and the DPRK, and led the relationship between the DPRK and the back gold to the new confrontation and conflict.
The fourth chapter, taking the service of the prop as a watershed, concretely discussed the change of North Korea's negotiating position on the back gold. After Ding Mao said that the situation of North Korea was worse and worse, the "slow disaster" could not save the country, and "the sound of rejection" was exhilarating. Although it reclaimed the hearts of the people, it made the two countries break down. Although the DPRK should take the initiative to "break the ice", but the Emperor With the determination of the Taiji eastern expedition, the service of the prop broke out soon. In the case of the interception of the various reinforcements, the Korean monarch and his ministers made some tentative efforts to re discuss the peace talks. However, it was a little light, causing the negotiation to delay. Finally, the Korean monarch and the minister had to surrender to the Southern Han mountain city crisis. It is a more passive position, which indicates the growth of the Qing Dynasty and the subversion of the traditional vassal vassal relationship between the Ming and the fresh - although the Koreans never admit it in thought. Because of the loss of the diplomatic initiative, the repulsion and argument can only be an empty cry, and even the charges of "repulsion and misunderstanding", which can not be said to be the Koreans. The theory of fame tested the national will of the Koreans at the time of the national dilemma, but it also brought more and more vain winds, aggravated the political disintegration and hindrance the decision and judgment of the Korean people on the war.
The fifth chapter analyzes the negotiations between the North Korea and the Qing Dynasty after the three Tian Du covenant. Three the covenant of Tian Du has followed the pattern of the ancient Chinese traditional suzerain vassal relationship, which stipulates the relationship between the Qing Dynasty and the DPRK in form. However, the special environment made by the covenant also shows the development of the relations between the Qing Dynasty and the Korean vassal vassal. This is the most important factor affecting the decision of the Qing Dynasty in the Qing Dynasty, which has been the most important factor affecting the decision of the Qing Dynasty in the Qing Dynasty. Although the North Korea has developed military forces in the dark, the voice of the party has not ceased to cease, but the court learned the lessons from the service of the Shenyang. The attitude became more realistic. The Korean invasion and security threat to the DPRK was intolerable to the DPRK, and the Qing Dynasty practices desecrated the ethics of the Korean society. The DPRK became incomparable indignant and desperate. This is the reason for the anti gold and the extreme high sentiment of the Korean society in the time of the charity and the future of the Korean society. The Qing Dynasty was repeated to the DPRK and reflected the inferiority complex behind his victory. They hoped to win the ruling authority of the new international order with victory and strength, but this effort was never recognized by the DPRK. The vengeance of North Korea is going to break out sooner or later.
The sixth chapter is the conclusion of the full text, through the analysis of historical facts to enhance the understanding of the diplomatic concept of the Korean Dynasty. First, "principle" and "realism" coexist in the era of humanity and have always been in the state of contradiction. It has always been a problem that plagued the Korean monarchy and minister. The attitude towards the Ming Dynasty is the focus of the dispute between the DPRK and the Qing people. The Korean monarch and the ministers "contend for strength, contend for big", and the attitude of disregard for the "barbarian" is also obvious. The theory of fame reveals the present situation of the Korean people's strength and strength. They lack the peace of mind to recognize the situation from the strength and decline of the enemy and the enemy. When the reality and the principle imagination do not agree, they tend to Second, the decision of the Koreans is often derived from the subjective assumptions in their ideas. Their diplomatic strategies are greatly influenced by emotional factors. For example, in the diplomatic strategy of the Ren Zu, the personal feelings of his own and his own feelings are all incisively and vividly. In addition, in the face of the national disaster, in the face of the national disaster, they emphasize their subjective consciousness in the negotiation of gold (Qing), and the interests of my own "departmentalism". Although the Korean monarch and the minister are confused by the name theory, However, they have not changed their diplomatic pursuit of the interests of the state and the family. A court which has narrowed the national interests to the interests of the family and narrowed the "big country" to the "small society" is difficult to save the country in the recession. The decline of the national dignity of the Korean state in the time of the ancestors, the collapse of the social rule order, and the deepening of the Korean Society Therefore, in the age of hsianzong, Song Shilie and other talents actively advocated the theory of "Wang Dao", "the theory of fame", and then reinterpreted it, in order to restore the trust of the society to the state and the royal power.
【學(xué)位授予單位】：山東大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】：博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】：2008
【分類號(hào)】：K249;K312.34

【引證文獻(xiàn)】

相關(guān)博士學(xué)位論文 前2條

1 陳放;朝鮮與女真、滿族諸政權(quán)關(guān)系變遷研究[D];延邊大學(xué);2012年

2 玄花;沈館宗藩外交研究（1637-1644）[D];吉林大學(xué);2013年

相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前4條

1 徐嬌瑾;清代中朝圖們江互市研究[D];長(zhǎng)春師范學(xué)院;2011年

2 鄒曉會(huì);清康熙時(shí)期穆克登勘界問題再研究[D];山東大學(xué);2012年

3 劉吉國(guó);試析1616-1644年朝鮮對(duì)明、后金（清）的外交政策[D];延邊大學(xué);2012年

4 董淋淋;清入關(guān)前與朝鮮間“刷還”問題研究[D];東北師范大學(xué);2012年

，

本文編號(hào)：1965003