本文關(guān)鍵詞：周邊制度與周邊主義——東亞區(qū)域治理中的中國途徑，由筆耕文化傳播整理發(fā)布。

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所有學(xué)科

中國政治與國際政治

經(jīng)濟(jì)體制改革

金融

氣象學(xué)

宏觀經(jīng)濟(jì)管理與可持續(xù)發(fā)展

東亞區(qū)域

    “10 Plus 3” Institution of East Asia Regional Coopration

    東亞區(qū)域合作的“10+3”機(jī)制

短句來源

    China's Diplomacy in the context of East Asia Regional Cooperation From the Perspective of New Regionalism

    新地區(qū)主義視角下的中國東亞區(qū)域合作外交

短句來源

    Secondly, the article analyzes the role of the US policy on the East Asia regional corporation.

    其次，文章對美國今后在東亞區(qū)域合作中可能扮演的角色及其政策趨勢做出分析。

短句來源

    To construct the framework of the East Asia Regional Cooperative Regime is the inevitable road for holing and pushing forward the colaboration between China and Japan in East Chian sea zone.

    構(gòu)建東亞區(qū)域合作機(jī)制的框架是維系并進(jìn)一步推進(jìn)中日在東海海域合作的必由之路。

短句來源

    Regionalism and Establishment of a Cooperative Mechanism for East Asia

    地區(qū)主義與東亞區(qū)域合作機(jī)制的建立

短句來源

    Economically, it advances the regional cooperation from strength to strength by the "10+3" cooperation mechanism.

    經(jīng)濟(jì)上,利用“10+3”合作機(jī)制推進(jìn)東亞區(qū)域合作,以發(fā)展壯大自己。

短句來源

    The development of new regionalism in East Asia provides a broad arena for China's diplomacy from 1990s in the world politics of globalization.

    在全球化時(shí)代的世界政治中,東亞新地區(qū)主義的發(fā)展為20世紀(jì)90年代以來的中國外交提供了廣闊的舞臺。 當(dāng)前,東亞區(qū)域合作外交正在成為中國外交中一個(gè)日益凸顯的亮點(diǎn)。

短句來源

    To solve Sino-Japanese‘dilemma': East Asian economic cooperation

    東亞區(qū)域合作機(jī)制:促進(jìn)中日合作的機(jī)制設(shè)計(jì)

短句來源

    Zhoubian Institutions and Zhoubianism:China’s Approach to Governance in East Asia

    周邊制度與周邊主義——東亞區(qū)域治理中的中國途徑

短句來源

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  east asia regional

This shell uses the TEX article document class for typesetting documents in Korean when the East Asia regional support is installed.

When sovereign states universally and unavoidably display their mutual doubt & fear in international anarchy and the deterioration of action & counteraction results, the" security dilem- ma" arises. As a matter of fact, the dilemma is a common factor contributing to international tenseness, hostilities and conflicts. At present, due to the universality of visible or invisible secu- rity dilemma, East Asia is likely to become one of the most dangerous regions in the early twenty- first century. Caught in a variety...

When sovereign states universally and unavoidably display their mutual doubt & fear in international anarchy and the deterioration of action & counteraction results, the" security dilem- ma" arises. As a matter of fact, the dilemma is a common factor contributing to international tenseness, hostilities and conflicts. At present, due to the universality of visible or invisible secu- rity dilemma, East Asia is likely to become one of the most dangerous regions in the early twenty- first century. Caught in a variety of security dilemma, China will be faced with unfavorable secu- rity environments and regional strategies in the long run. The way out to alleviate or even get rid of the dilemma is to develop and establish the regional security system in East Asia.

“安全兩難”在于國際無政府狀態(tài)中主權(quán)國家普遍和絕對地互相疑懼，由此引發(fā)作用——反作用惡性循環(huán)的升級。安全兩難本身的確是構(gòu)成國際緊張、對立和沖突的一類常見動因。當(dāng)前的東亞差不多遍布實(shí)在或潛在的安全兩難，，很可能成為新世紀(jì)前期世界上最為危險(xiǎn)的地區(qū)之一。中國置身于多項(xiàng)安全兩難之中，從中長期看總的安全環(huán)境和地緣戰(zhàn)略處境非常不利，緩解甚或爭取基本上跳出此種局面的途徑，在于培育和形成東亞區(qū)域安全體制，這對于中國安全有根本意義。

The world power structure in the early decades of the 21st century will continue to be that of the United States and the U.S.-led community of the Western advanced nations. They will still hold preponderance in world politics, economy, military, and the normative systems of values and international rules. Meanwhile, the fundamental trends will be the multi-polarization, globalization, democratization, and changing international law and ethics toward greater justice. In this situation, China will take the following...

The world power structure in the early decades of the 21st century will continue to be that of the United States and the U.S.-led community of the Western advanced nations. They will still hold preponderance in world politics, economy, military, and the normative systems of values and international rules. Meanwhile, the fundamental trends will be the multi-polarization, globalization, democratization, and changing international law and ethics toward greater justice. In this situation, China will take the following philosophy on external affairs and secular grand strategy of "bandwagoning" and "transcendency": to be both a "normal" and an innovative state in world politics, to conform with the world essential trends and participate widely in international regimes, while adopting more advanced technology, management, political operation, ideas and culture, and international conduct; also to form a general relation of accommodation with the United States and the community of the Western nations developing common interests, values, rules and institutions with them, while taking precautionary measures and engaging in necessary struggles, to engage actively in the creation, cultivation, and development of international security regimes, especially regional and sub-regional ones in East Asia, in order to enable a stronger China to be a safer country.

21世紀(jì)前期 ,世界基本格局仍將是美國及其為首的西方發(fā)達(dá)國家共同體在世界政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、軍事以及價(jià)值規(guī)范與規(guī)則體系方面占有顯著優(yōu)勢 ,而其他力量少有、甚或沒有可能形成足夠團(tuán)結(jié)有力、足夠持久緊張的制衡陳線 ,世界基本潮流則仍將由多極化、全球化、國家政治民主化和國際規(guī)范正義化構(gòu)成 ,而后面這三大趨勢與上述優(yōu)勢密切并聯(lián)。在這樣的時(shí)代大環(huán)境中 ,中國必須具備下述外交哲學(xué)和可以稱為“搭車”和“超越”的世紀(jì)性大戰(zhàn)略 :中國既應(yīng)當(dāng)是世界政治中的一個(gè)“正�！眹�家 ,又應(yīng)當(dāng)是其中的一個(gè)創(chuàng)新型國家 ;順應(yīng)世界潮流 ,廣泛參與國際體制 ,盡可能迅速學(xué)會先進(jìn)的技術(shù)、管理、政治運(yùn)作、思想文化和國際行為方式 ;在有所防范、有所斗爭的同時(shí) ,與美國及其西方共同體形成總的協(xié)調(diào)關(guān)系 ,與之發(fā)展出足夠多的共同利益、共同規(guī)則和共同運(yùn)作機(jī)制 ;積極參與創(chuàng)設(shè)、培育和形成國際安全體制 ,尤其是東亞區(qū)域和次區(qū)域安全體制 ,以便使一個(gè)強(qiáng)大起來的中國能夠是更加安全的中國。美國方面存在的有助于推動它同崛起的中國長期協(xié)調(diào)共處的因素 ,連同世界政治中一個(gè)頭等重要的事態(tài)———大國間全面戰(zhàn)爭已很少可能甚或極難想象 ,使中國能夠?qū)嵭羞@樣的外交哲學(xué)和世紀(jì)性大戰(zhàn)略并...

21世紀(jì)前期 ,世界基本格局仍將是美國及其為首的西方發(fā)達(dá)國家共同體在世界政治、經(jīng)濟(jì)、軍事以及價(jià)值規(guī)范與規(guī)則體系方面占有顯著優(yōu)勢 ,而其他力量少有、甚或沒有可能形成足夠團(tuán)結(jié)有力、足夠持久緊張的制衡陳線 ,世界基本潮流則仍將由多極化、全球化、國家政治民主化和國際規(guī)范正義化構(gòu)成 ,而后面這三大趨勢與上述優(yōu)勢密切并聯(lián)。在這樣的時(shí)代大環(huán)境中 ,中國必須具備下述外交哲學(xué)和可以稱為“搭車”和“超越”的世紀(jì)性大戰(zhàn)略 :中國既應(yīng)當(dāng)是世界政治中的一個(gè)“正�！眹�家 ,又應(yīng)當(dāng)是其中的一個(gè)創(chuàng)新型國家 ;順應(yīng)世界潮流 ,廣泛參與國際體制 ,盡可能迅速學(xué)會先進(jìn)的技術(shù)、管理、政治運(yùn)作、思想文化和國際行為方式 ;在有所防范、有所斗爭的同時(shí) ,與美國及其西方共同體形成總的協(xié)調(diào)關(guān)系 ,與之發(fā)展出足夠多的共同利益、共同規(guī)則和共同運(yùn)作機(jī)制 ;積極參與創(chuàng)設(shè)、培育和形成國際安全體制 ,尤其是東亞區(qū)域和次區(qū)域安全體制 ,以便使一個(gè)強(qiáng)大起來的中國能夠是更加安全的中國。美國方面存在的有助于推動它同崛起的中國長期協(xié)調(diào)共處的因素 ,連同世界政治中一個(gè)頭等重要的事態(tài)———大國間全面戰(zhàn)爭已很少可能甚或極難想象 ,使中國能夠?qū)嵭羞@樣的外交哲學(xué)和世紀(jì)性大戰(zhàn)略并取得成功。中國需要具有宏大的遠(yuǎn)見 ,堅(jiān)韌不拔地朝著?

Regionalism contributed a lot to economic development of Europe in last century. While in East Asia, fragility and weakness of regionalism, coupled with the complex international relations in this region, constitutes obstacle to further development. China should solve regional disputes through effective bilateral diplomacy and enhancing regional identity, so that national interests may be served well.

區(qū)域主義(一譯"地區(qū)主義")于二十世紀(jì)在歐洲得到了較好體現(xiàn),但東亞區(qū)域主義將在自由貿(mào)易區(qū)建成后面臨一個(gè)發(fā)展的瓶頸。這主要是由于東亞區(qū)域主義自身的脆弱性和東亞國際關(guān)系的復(fù)雜性共同造成的。中國戰(zhàn)略機(jī)遇期內(nèi)能否通過有效的雙邊外交解開周邊外交中的"疙瘩"、增進(jìn)東亞區(qū)域主義的認(rèn)同、更好地以一個(gè)和平崛起的大國身份參與東亞事務(wù),決定了中國國家利益能否得到充分實(shí)現(xiàn),從而進(jìn)一步提升中國的國際地位。

  本文關(guān)鍵詞：周邊制度與周邊主義——東亞區(qū)域治理中的中國途徑，由筆耕文化傳播整理發(fā)布。