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國外民事登記制度及其對(duì)我國戶籍制度改革的啟示

發(fā)布時(shí)間:2018-06-22 15:27

  本文選題:國外民事登記制度 + 制度變遷。 參考:《華東師范大學(xué)》2009年博士論文


【摘要】: 當(dāng)前,我國正在逐步推進(jìn)戶籍制度改革,系統(tǒng)研究國外民事登記制度對(duì)推進(jìn)改革具有重要的理論意義和實(shí)踐價(jià)值。本文采用文獻(xiàn)集成法、比較研究法、問題導(dǎo)向法、實(shí)證分析與規(guī)范分析結(jié)合法,基于理論探索和實(shí)踐分析兩條思路,對(duì)世界各地不同發(fā)展時(shí)期的民事登記制度進(jìn)行了系統(tǒng)研究。 全文主要分為三大部分,理論基礎(chǔ)部分為第一章,主要閘明選題意義、回顧已有研究、梳理理論意涵并提出問題,實(shí)證分析部分為第二至第五章,第三部分為總結(jié)與提升。首先,本文系統(tǒng)梳理了國外不同制度類型和不同發(fā)展階段國家的民事登記制度,總結(jié)民事登記制度在各國的社會(huì)管理功能和基本運(yùn)作模式,以及在制度轉(zhuǎn)型過程中發(fā)生的變化,并對(duì)與我國有歷史可比性和現(xiàn)實(shí)可比性的國家(地區(qū))的民事登記制度進(jìn)行深入探討;在此基礎(chǔ)上,文章從立法建設(shè)與立法主義、身份制、人口登記與統(tǒng)計(jì)、遷移與居住許可、社會(huì)管理的實(shí)現(xiàn)途徑等方面對(duì)國外民事登記制度與我國戶籍制度進(jìn)行對(duì)比分析;最后,從理論和實(shí)踐兩方面提出國外民事登記制度對(duì)我國戶籍制度及其改革的啟示意義。 通過國外民事登記制度的實(shí)證研究,得到如下結(jié)論: (一)與國外民事登記制度相比: 我國戶籍管理立法建設(shè)滯后,戶籍身份事項(xiàng)管理采取“屬人主義”而區(qū)別于國外普遍實(shí)行的“屬地主義”;國外的現(xiàn)代民事登記管理并不存在身份上的不平等,而當(dāng)代中國的戶籍身份仍具有等級(jí)性和世襲性,與種姓制度等現(xiàn)代身份制度有著本質(zhì)的區(qū)別的是當(dāng)代中國的戶籍身份制并不具有階級(jí)對(duì)抗性;因經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展水平不同及制度設(shè)計(jì)差異,世界各國民事登記內(nèi)容的繁簡程度不同,我國采取以家庭為單位的戶籍登記方式,區(qū)別于西方國家普遍采取的以人為單位的登記方式,這種登記方式差異的實(shí)際效應(yīng)更體現(xiàn)在人口信息的獲取與動(dòng)態(tài)統(tǒng)計(jì)上,我國戶籍登記的常規(guī)人口統(tǒng)計(jì)手段已經(jīng)越來越難以反映真實(shí)的人口變動(dòng)信息;我國公民基本可以實(shí)現(xiàn)居住地的自由選擇,但尚未實(shí)現(xiàn)戶籍遷移、法律意義上的遷徙自由,戶籍遷移實(shí)行事前許可制,與國際慣例不符;就社會(huì)管理的實(shí)現(xiàn)途徑而言,我國戶籍制度與國外的差別主要體現(xiàn)在信息化程度較低、管制性較為明顯。 (二)從國外民事登記制度看我國戶籍制度及其改革: 第一,戶籍制度在不同地區(qū)和不同歷史時(shí)期以不同的形式和強(qiáng)度存在著,它既不是計(jì)劃經(jīng)濟(jì)的產(chǎn)物,也非中國所特有。將世界各地的戶籍制度置于宏觀的歷史背景下進(jìn)行考察,可以發(fā)現(xiàn),戶籍制度的功能變遷具有鮮明的時(shí)代特點(diǎn),而當(dāng)前中國的戶籍制度仍具有“封建時(shí)代”的屬性。因此,對(duì)中國戶籍制度不能存有太多偏見,而應(yīng)歷史地評(píng)價(jià)它的功能和功過,制度本身不應(yīng)成為備受責(zé)難的對(duì)象,必須避免形成將中國戶籍制度過度“特例化”的傾向。 第二,當(dāng)代中國戶籍制度既延承和變通了傳統(tǒng)戶籍制度的等級(jí)性、世襲性,以及社會(huì)治安與人口統(tǒng)計(jì)合一的功能,又具有相當(dāng)程度的“蘇聯(lián)元素”。其中,制度基礎(chǔ)由家庭關(guān)系轉(zhuǎn)變?yōu)閯趧?dòng)關(guān)系是中國戶籍制度對(duì)蘇聯(lián)制度的最大借鑒,招生錄取、國企招工錄用、工作調(diào)動(dòng)、參軍這幾條戶口身份轉(zhuǎn)換途徑無一不體現(xiàn)著正式的勞動(dòng)關(guān)系。 第三,戶籍制度并不必然導(dǎo)致社會(huì)排斥。當(dāng)代中國戶籍排斥與國外種姓排斥、種族排斥、經(jīng)濟(jì)排斥、政治排斥存在明顯差異,不同類型的社會(huì)排斥對(duì)各國的城市化進(jìn)程和經(jīng)濟(jì)發(fā)展也有著顯著不同的影響。 第四,移民的沖擊逐漸模糊著身份的制度界線,但這并不代表真正的身份意義的消失,原住民的身份價(jià)值是長期存在的,移民的進(jìn)入并不會(huì)降低原住民的身份價(jià)值,移民只有試圖提高自己的身份才能與原住民平等圣誕、融合,但這是一個(gè)長期的過程,甚至需要將希望寄托在下一代人的身上。尤其在中國存在戶籍顯性約束的條件下,流動(dòng)人口的城市融合過程會(huì)更慢,時(shí)間要求也更長。 第五,流動(dòng)人口的非永久性遷移是工業(yè)化和城市化進(jìn)程中一種普遍、必然的現(xiàn)象,絕非依附于戶籍制度、通行證制度之類的具有限制人口遷移功能的制度實(shí)體而存在,雖然流動(dòng)人口的非永久性遷移在我國因戶籍制度的存在被進(jìn)一步強(qiáng)化,但必須客觀認(rèn)識(shí)戶籍制度改節(jié)在促進(jìn)人口遷移和城市化方面的有限作用。 第六,中國戶籍制度改革應(yīng)該與城市化進(jìn)程相關(guān)聯(lián),在快速城市化階段應(yīng)該適當(dāng)保持戶籍制度的身份功能,讓戶籍制度為城市化進(jìn)程的穩(wěn)定性服務(wù),但在這個(gè)過程中,戶籍制度的身份功能一定要慢慢淡化。 第七,在農(nóng)村基本社會(huì)保障尚不健全的條件下,土地是流動(dòng)人口的基本生活保障和最后防線,戶籍制度改革過程中針對(duì)農(nóng)地制度的設(shè)計(jì)應(yīng)充分尊重流動(dòng)人口的利益、意愿和選擇,以避免重蹈拉美覆轍。 第八,推進(jìn)戶籍管理立法,逐步完善人口登記與管理體制,向以人為主的動(dòng)態(tài)管理轉(zhuǎn)變,分時(shí)期、按步驟建立人口管理信息系統(tǒng),短期內(nèi)可嘗試人口定點(diǎn)追蹤獲取區(qū)域人口信息。
[Abstract]:At present, China is progressively promoting the reform of the household registration system. The systematic study of the system of foreign civil registration is of great theoretical and practical value to the promotion of reform. This paper adopts the method of literature integration, comparative research, problem oriented, empirical analysis and normative analysis, based on two ideas of theoretical exploration and practice analysis. The civil registration system in different stages of development is systematically studied.
The full text is divided into three parts. The first part of the theory is the first chapter. It mainly discusses the significance of the topic, reviews the existing research, combs the theoretical implications and raises the questions, the empirical analysis part is second to fifth chapters, the third part is the summary and promotion. Firstly, this paper systematically combs the civil types of different countries and different countries in different stages of development. The registration system summarizes the social management function and basic mode of operation of civil registration system in various countries, and changes in the process of system transformation, and probes into the civil registration system of the country (region) with the historical comparability and reality comparable to our country. On this basis, the article is from legislative construction and legislation. The system of foreign civil registration and the household registration system of our country are compared and analyzed in terms of share system, population registration and statistics, migration and residence permit and the way of social management. Finally, the Enlightenment of the foreign civil registration system on the household registration system and its reform in China is put forward from two aspects of theory and practice.
Through the empirical study of foreign civil registration system, we get the following conclusions:
(1) compared with the foreign civil registration system:
The legislative construction of the household registration management in China is lagging behind. The management of household registration matters is different from the "territorialism" which is generally implemented in foreign countries. The modern civil registration management abroad does not exist in the identity, but the household registration status in contemporary China is still hierarchical and hereditary, and the modern identity system such as the caste system and so on. There is an essential difference in degree. The household registration system in contemporary China does not have class antagonism. Because of the different level of economic development and the difference of system design, the complexity of the civil registration content in the world is different. The household registration method is adopted in our country, which is different from the general adoption of human units in the western countries. In this way, the actual effect of this kind of registration difference is more embodied in the acquisition and dynamic statistics of population information. The conventional demographic methods of census register in China have become more and more difficult to reflect the true information of population change; the citizens of our country can basically realize the free choice of the residence, but have not yet realized the migration of the household registration, in the legal sense. The freedom of migration and the permanent registration of household registration are not consistent with international practice. As far as the realization of social management is concerned, the difference between the household registration system and the foreign countries is mainly reflected in the lower level of information and more obvious control.
(two) look at the household registration system and its reform from the perspective of foreign civil registration system.
First, the household registration system exists in different forms and intensities in different regions and different historical periods. It is neither a product of planned economy nor unique in China. In the historical background of the household registration system all over the world, it is found that the function changes of the household registration system have distinct characteristics of the times, and the current characteristics of the household registration system are characteristic of the times. The household registration system in China still has the attribute of the "feudal era". Therefore, there is not too much prejudice on the household registration system in China, and it should be historically evaluated its function and merit. The system itself should not be the subject of the much blame. It must avoid the tendency to form the excessive "special case" of the household registration system in China.
Second, the contemporary Chinese household registration system not only extends and adapts the hierarchy of the traditional household registration system, hereditary nature, and the function of the combination of social security and population statistics, but also has a considerable degree of "Soviet element". In this, the transformation of the system foundation from family relations to labor relations is the greatest reference for the Soviet system, and the enrollment of the Chinese household registration system. Admission, recruitment of state-owned enterprises, mobilization of work, and the way of changing the status of these household members all reflect the formal labor relations.
Third, the household registration system does not necessarily lead to social exclusion. There are obvious differences between the domicile exclusion of contemporary China and the exclusion of foreign castes, racial exclusion, economic exclusion and political exclusion, and the different types of social exclusion have significant different effects on the urbanization and economic development of various countries.
Fourth, the immigrant impact gradually blurs the identity system boundary, but this does not represent the disappearance of the real identity. The identity value of the aboriginal is a long-term existence. The entry of immigrants will not reduce the identity value of the Aboriginal, and the immigrants can only try to improve their identity with the indigenous people to be equal in Christmas and integration, but this is a The long-term process even needs to be placed on the next generation, especially in the presence of domicile constraints in China, where the urban integration process of the floating population will be slower and the time is longer.
Fifth, the non permanent migration of the floating population is a universal and inevitable phenomenon in the process of industrialization and urbanization. It is not dependent on the household registration system, the permit system and other institutional entities that restrict the migration of the population, although the non permanent migration of the floating population has been further strengthened in China because of the existence of the household registration system. But we must objectively understand the limited role of the reform of household registration system in promoting population migration and urbanization.
Sixth, the reform of the household registration system in China should be related to the process of urbanization. In the rapid urbanization stage, the identity function of the household registration system should be properly maintained, and the household registration system will serve the stability of the urbanization process. In this process, the identity function of the household registration system must be slowly desalinated.
Seventh, under the condition that the rural basic social security is not yet perfect, the land is the basic life guarantee and the last line of defense for the floating population. In the process of the reform of the household registration system, the design of the farmland system should fully respect the interests of the floating population, the wishes and the choice, so as to avoid the repeat of Latin America.
Eighth, promote the household registration management legislation, gradually improve the population registration and management system, change to the dynamic management based on people, divide the period, set up the population management information system according to the steps, and try to track and obtain the regional population information in the short term.
【學(xué)位授予單位】:華東師范大學(xué)
【學(xué)位級(jí)別】:博士
【學(xué)位授予年份】:2009
【分類號(hào)】:D631.42

【引證文獻(xiàn)】

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相關(guān)碩士學(xué)位論文 前5條

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